Response to the Consultation of the Women and Equalities Committee on Northern Ireland and Abortion

An unjustified interference

Abortion is a devolved matter for the Northern Ireland Assembly which  voted on the issue in February 2016, shortly before it last sat.[1] The NI Assembly rejected a liberalisation of our law on abortion. It is totally inappropriate for MPs from other jurisdictions, in a committee which does not include one NI MP, to instruct or dictate how Northern Ireland should conduct its own affairs. It is an internal matter for Northern Ireland, which requires the input of people from Northern Ireland.


The Abortion Act 1967 does not apply in Northern Ireland because the democratically elected Members of the Legislative Assembly have not voted in favour of its extension. Indeed the SDLP, which is a sister party of the Labour party still describes itself as a pro-life party and its members continue to state that it has no desire to extend the Abortion Act to Northern Ireland.[2] Other political parties including the two with the largest mandate in Northern Ireland  i.e. the DUP and Sinn Fein, have, to date, stood for election to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Parliament on the basis of being against the extension of the Abortion Act to Northern Ireland. However since the last Westminster elections, Sinn Fein has officially altered its view on abortion, to supporting abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy.[3] The pro-abortion policy has not been universally welcomed by many Sinn Fein members. Two Sinn Fein TDs in the Republic of Ireland’s Dail were recently disciplined by Sinn Fein because of their pro-life stance. Both have now resigned from Sinn Fein and one of them, Peadar Toibin TD and other dissenting pro-life Republicans throughout Ireland are in the process of setting up a new pro-life republican party which is already attracting significant interest both North and South of the border. The grass roots group Cherish all the Children Equally has been instrumental in highlighting the rights of the unborn child and its mother in the Republican community. It was set up by Anne Brolly, a former Sinn Fein mayor and her husband a former Sinn Fein MLA along with GP Dr Anne McCloskey who has more than thirty years of experience of delivering positive health care to her community in Derry.

It is disappointing for women in Northern Ireland who support life at every stage, to see the UK  Labour party which does not operate in Northern Ireland and the Conservative party which has an almost negligible level of support, attempting to change our protective laws which value the lives of women and babies and seek to do the best for both. It is arrogant in the extreme for either of these party groupings to presume or predetermine what is “best for Northern Ireland women” or citizens more generally.

Effect of the Abortion Act 1967

Since abortion was legalised in England and Wales, just over 50 years ago,  there have been over 8.8 million abortions – the equivalent of the entire population of  London. This translates to 1 in 5 pregnancies ending in abortion[4] and an abortion every three minutes.[5] Abortion is no longer an exceptional response to a crisis, as is evidenced by the fact that 39%(**) of lawful abortions in England and Wales in 2017 were repeat abortions.[6] Surely there must be a better, kinder, way for women, babies and families in crisis than a default assumption that abortion solves the problem.

Repercussions from the Repeal of the 8th Amendment in the Republic of Ireland

This year we in Northern Ireland have watched the repercussions from the repeal of the 8th amendment. Many in Northern Ireland were supportive of that amendment. We were aware that in a jurisdiction where both lives matter, there is a corresponding beneficial effect on the standard of care for both mother and baby. It should be noted that the Republic of Ireland has a much better maternal mortality rate than 86% of countries investigated by WHO.[7] Significantly it outperforms the US and the UK, which each have very permissive abortion regimes. In the UK 1 in 5 pregnancies result in abortion- almost 200 000 annually,[8] 98% of which are under Ground C[9] (specifically, the mental health ground) which permits abortion where the continuation of the pregnancy would pose greater risk to the woman’s mental health than abortion. These are not the exceptional or “difficult” cases which the public are constantly confronted with as grounds for change. Furthermore the exceptional or “difficult” cases all involve a human life which can be cherished by affording proper perinatal hospice care or additional medical and practical assistance to a distressed mother who has been the victim of sexual crime.

Frequently those supporting relaxation of the law on abortion and in particular the repeal of the 8th amendment suggested that only a small change is proposed. Even  Lord Steele who introduced the Abortion Bill in 1967 did not anticipate the level of abortion that would result in his change in the law.[10] During the campaign for the repeal of the 8th amendment in the Republic of Ireland emphasis was laid on allowing abortion in cases where the baby was diagnosed with a life limiting condition (cruelly described as “fatal foetal abnormality”) or had been conceived as a result of rape or incest. The bill which has just been debated and passed by the Dail is much more far-reaching than this. It allows abortion for any reason in the first trimester and up until birth for disability or emergency situations.[11] It is fair to claim that this was not what the general populace who voted Yes to repeal anticipated.[12]

Abortion and mental health

Women from organisations such as Women Hurt by Abortion speak eloquently of the devastating long-term effect of abortion on the mental health of women. What research has been done in this area to avoid a legacy of mental health problems among an ever-increasing number of women? Why do so many women in Great Britain in the age group 16-24 have significant mental health concerns?[13] If the Women and Equalities Commission were truly interested in finding out how to improve the lives of women they would seek to examine the effect of abortion on the lives of generations of UK women who now resort to abortion as  the first solution to an unwanted pregnancy as is evidenced by the 39%(**) repeat abortions last year.


Ideas have consequences, and liberalising our abortion law will inevitably result in unintended consequences with irreversible and damaging social repercussions. Why should very ill or disabled babies in utero, or those whose father is a rapist  have a lesser chance at life than any other unborn baby? Surely this is discrimination against the most vulnerable?

Many women and mothers in Northern Ireland have worked tirelessly to support the right to life of the most vulnerable from womb to tomb. These women believe that mothers’ lives matter too. We know that it is the natural instinct of mothers to want nothing but the best for their children, born and unborn. Mothers need support and assistance during pregnancy, not abortion as the first solution in a crisis. The consciences of many in Great Britain have been dulled and inured to abortion. Listen to those who still value life at every stage. Maybe you will come to realise that we are offering a more progressive solution than what is currently offered in Great Britain. Our voices deserve to be heard too and we are grateful to be able to contribute to this consultation.

(**) This figure was correct at the time of submission (10 December 2018). The following day 11th December 2018, the UK Government revised the figure downwards when it released Abortion Statistics for England and Wales 2017 (June 2018 (revised December 2018), page 4. See:





[4] 190406 abortions were carried out in England and Wales in 2016 as reported in  Of these , 185 596 were on residents of England and Wales. There were 696271 live births in England and Wales in 2016 see

[5] As reported by Lord David Alton in a speech given at St Bride’s Hall, Belfast on January 25th 2018

[6], p4



[9] paras  2.13-2.17

[10] “…he never anticipated “anything like” the current number of terminations when leading the campaign for reform.”